NEW DELHI: The murder of 76-year-old Dularchand Yadav while he was campaigning for a Jan Suraaj candidate has ruptured a long-smouldering local equilibrium in Mokama , turning what should have been a routine assembly fight into a high-stakes prestige battle between two baahubali figures and the caste blocs that back them.
The Mokama battle is centred around two powerful strongmen from the influential Bhumihar caste: Anant Singh , aka Chhote Sarkar, of JD(U) and Surajbhan Singh , who is aligned with RJD.
What was shaping up to be a familiar, muscle-driven election in Mokama has now turned into a prestige battle with caste loyalties, community pride, and the question of law and order hanging in the balance.
To understand the intensity of Mokama’s politics, one must go back two decades to a time when the Singh brothers of Barh and Mokama defined the region’s power matrix.
Anant Kumar Singh , once a close aide of Nitish Kumar , rose rapidly in the early 2000s as the enforcer of the JD(U)’s presence in the Bhumihar belt. Known for his flamboyant persona, blunt speech, and a knack for dispensing justice outside the system, Anant became both feared and adored -- the archetypal bahubali of central Bihar.
On the other hand, Surajbhan Singh, hailing from the nearby Begusarai–Barh area, was cut from the same cloth -- a Bhumihar strongman who turned to politics after a string of criminal cases. Aligned first with the LJP under Ram Vilas Paswan and later seen close to the RJD ecosystem, Surajbhan represented the rival pole of Bhumihar assertion. Their rivalry was not just personal. It was territorial and symbolic.
Both commanded loyalty among the Bhumihars, both controlled local networks of influence, and both saw themselves as the natural claimant to the region’s political crown.
From allies to arch-rivals
In the early 2000s, there were phases when the two operated within the same broader political alliance. But as Nitish Kumar consolidated power in 2005, Anant Singh emerged as the JD(U)’s uncontested strongman, while Surajbhan’s camp drifted toward the LJP-RJD axis.
Anant Singh's political rise, from muscleman to MLA, coincided with Surajbhan's declining electoral influence due to criminal convictions. Yet, the latter's family continued to retain sway over nearby constituencies through his wife, Veena Devi .
Over the years, the rivalry took violent turns as their supporters clashed over land control, local contracts, and political dominance.
Mokama, Barh, and adjoining areas became a microcosm of Bihar’s bahubali politics, where muscle met caste mobilisation and the rule of law often bent to the weight of reputation.
The killing that reignited the faultlines
The murder of Dularchand Yadav on Thursday has revived the darker shades of that rivalry. Yadav, a campaigner for Jan Suraaj, was reportedly attacked while mobilising support for the party’s candidate in a region where Yadav and Dhanuk voters are crucial swing blocs.
Police have arrested Anant Singh in connection with the killing, prompting a wave of outrage from opposition ranks and a renewed debate over Bihar’s law and order under Nitish Kumar.
For the ruling camp, it’s an embarrassment to have a high-profile candidate in custody during an election campaign. For the opposition, it is less a moral crusade than a political opening and a chance to highlight administrative "lapses", question Nitish Kumar's control over his own strongmen, and mobilise discontent in a constituency long defined by muscle and loyalty rather than party lines.
However, reacting to Anant Singh's arrest, the ruling NDA has maintained that, unlike the Lalu regime, no leader can have immunity from legal action.
The caste arithmetic in Mokama
According to the latest electoral roll (as of January 2024), Mokama has about 2.9 lakh registered voters. The constituency’s caste composition is sharply layered:
In the 2020 Bihar Assembly election, Anant Kumar Singh, contesting as an Independent, secured 78,721 votes, which was about 53 per cent of all valid votes cast in Mokama. The victory affirmed his influence among sections of the Bhumihar community, which forms a significant part of the constituency’s voter base.
This time, however, the equations appear more fluid. The killing of a Jan Suraaj worker belonging to the Yadav community has introduced an unpredictable element into the contest.
It is believed the incident could influence voter sentiment, particularly among backward caste groups such as Yadavs and Dhanuks, who together make up nearly 30 per cent of the electorate.
At the same time, the Bhumihar vote, which has largely remained cohesive in previous elections, may witness some degree of division given the presence of more than one influential leader from within the community.
With both Anant Singh and Surajbhan Singh commanding their own networks, political observers say a section of forward-caste voters could align differently this time.
In a constituency with fewer than three lakh electors, even a 5–10 per cent shift in turnout or community alignment is equivalent to about 15,000–25,000 votes, which could significantly affect the final outcome.
Verdict to echo beyond boundaries
If Anant Singh wins, it will restate that the Bahubali era in Bihar has not ended -- it has merely evolved. The forms may have changed, but the substance of power remains rooted in personality, caste pride, and the defiant cult of local strongmen.
For Nitish Kumar, a victory under such a shadow would still signal control, proof that his political arithmetic can withstand scandal, sentiment, and scrutiny alike.
If the opposition wrests the seat, it would not necessarily mark a moral shift, for none of Mokama’s contenders are untouched by the state’s legacy of muscle and might, but it would signal a recalibration. It would suggest that alliances, caste equations, and public perception can still tilt the scales even against entrenched power.
Either way, the fight in Mokama has outgrown the ballot box. It has become a test of endurance between two political orders, both born of Bihar’s rough-and-tumble past, both adapting to a voter base that now weighs loyalty as much as legacy.
The Mokama battle is centred around two powerful strongmen from the influential Bhumihar caste: Anant Singh , aka Chhote Sarkar, of JD(U) and Surajbhan Singh , who is aligned with RJD.
What was shaping up to be a familiar, muscle-driven election in Mokama has now turned into a prestige battle with caste loyalties, community pride, and the question of law and order hanging in the balance.
To understand the intensity of Mokama’s politics, one must go back two decades to a time when the Singh brothers of Barh and Mokama defined the region’s power matrix.
Anant Kumar Singh , once a close aide of Nitish Kumar , rose rapidly in the early 2000s as the enforcer of the JD(U)’s presence in the Bhumihar belt. Known for his flamboyant persona, blunt speech, and a knack for dispensing justice outside the system, Anant became both feared and adored -- the archetypal bahubali of central Bihar.
On the other hand, Surajbhan Singh, hailing from the nearby Begusarai–Barh area, was cut from the same cloth -- a Bhumihar strongman who turned to politics after a string of criminal cases. Aligned first with the LJP under Ram Vilas Paswan and later seen close to the RJD ecosystem, Surajbhan represented the rival pole of Bhumihar assertion. Their rivalry was not just personal. It was territorial and symbolic.
Both commanded loyalty among the Bhumihars, both controlled local networks of influence, and both saw themselves as the natural claimant to the region’s political crown.
From allies to arch-rivals
In the early 2000s, there were phases when the two operated within the same broader political alliance. But as Nitish Kumar consolidated power in 2005, Anant Singh emerged as the JD(U)’s uncontested strongman, while Surajbhan’s camp drifted toward the LJP-RJD axis.
Anant Singh's political rise, from muscleman to MLA, coincided with Surajbhan's declining electoral influence due to criminal convictions. Yet, the latter's family continued to retain sway over nearby constituencies through his wife, Veena Devi .
Over the years, the rivalry took violent turns as their supporters clashed over land control, local contracts, and political dominance.
Mokama, Barh, and adjoining areas became a microcosm of Bihar’s bahubali politics, where muscle met caste mobilisation and the rule of law often bent to the weight of reputation.
The killing that reignited the faultlines
The murder of Dularchand Yadav on Thursday has revived the darker shades of that rivalry. Yadav, a campaigner for Jan Suraaj, was reportedly attacked while mobilising support for the party’s candidate in a region where Yadav and Dhanuk voters are crucial swing blocs.
Police have arrested Anant Singh in connection with the killing, prompting a wave of outrage from opposition ranks and a renewed debate over Bihar’s law and order under Nitish Kumar.
For the ruling camp, it’s an embarrassment to have a high-profile candidate in custody during an election campaign. For the opposition, it is less a moral crusade than a political opening and a chance to highlight administrative "lapses", question Nitish Kumar's control over his own strongmen, and mobilise discontent in a constituency long defined by muscle and loyalty rather than party lines.
However, reacting to Anant Singh's arrest, the ruling NDA has maintained that, unlike the Lalu regime, no leader can have immunity from legal action.
The caste arithmetic in Mokama
According to the latest electoral roll (as of January 2024), Mokama has about 2.9 lakh registered voters. The constituency’s caste composition is sharply layered:
- Bhumihars: Around 55,000–60,000
- Yadavs: Around 40,000
- Dhanuks (Koeris): Around 45,000
- Muslims and Dalits: Together account for roughly 30 per cent of the electorate.
In the 2020 Bihar Assembly election, Anant Kumar Singh, contesting as an Independent, secured 78,721 votes, which was about 53 per cent of all valid votes cast in Mokama. The victory affirmed his influence among sections of the Bhumihar community, which forms a significant part of the constituency’s voter base.
This time, however, the equations appear more fluid. The killing of a Jan Suraaj worker belonging to the Yadav community has introduced an unpredictable element into the contest.
It is believed the incident could influence voter sentiment, particularly among backward caste groups such as Yadavs and Dhanuks, who together make up nearly 30 per cent of the electorate.
At the same time, the Bhumihar vote, which has largely remained cohesive in previous elections, may witness some degree of division given the presence of more than one influential leader from within the community.
With both Anant Singh and Surajbhan Singh commanding their own networks, political observers say a section of forward-caste voters could align differently this time.
In a constituency with fewer than three lakh electors, even a 5–10 per cent shift in turnout or community alignment is equivalent to about 15,000–25,000 votes, which could significantly affect the final outcome.
Verdict to echo beyond boundaries
If Anant Singh wins, it will restate that the Bahubali era in Bihar has not ended -- it has merely evolved. The forms may have changed, but the substance of power remains rooted in personality, caste pride, and the defiant cult of local strongmen.
For Nitish Kumar, a victory under such a shadow would still signal control, proof that his political arithmetic can withstand scandal, sentiment, and scrutiny alike.
If the opposition wrests the seat, it would not necessarily mark a moral shift, for none of Mokama’s contenders are untouched by the state’s legacy of muscle and might, but it would signal a recalibration. It would suggest that alliances, caste equations, and public perception can still tilt the scales even against entrenched power.
Either way, the fight in Mokama has outgrown the ballot box. It has become a test of endurance between two political orders, both born of Bihar’s rough-and-tumble past, both adapting to a voter base that now weighs loyalty as much as legacy.
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